The Stanford Syntax and Morphology Circle (SMircle) is an informal forum for the presentation and discussion of new research in syntax and morphology, their interconnections, as well as their connections with semantics and phonology. Everyone is welcome!
Where and When
Spring 2016 Schedule
- April 8, 2016
Erik Maier (UC Berkeley)
Karuk, a Hokan language of Northern California, has a distinctive set of over 50 verbal directional suffixes used to express the Path and/or Ground of a motion event, a subset of which were analyzed by Macaulay (2004) as high applicatives (cf. Pylkkänen 2008). In this talk, I present a previously undescribed restriction wherein telic verbs cannot combine with the suffixes and argue that, while this restriction cannot easily be accounted for in a high applicative analysis, it follows neatly from an analysis of these suffixes as PathP complements to the verb in Ramchand (2008)'s system of VP decomposition, specifically as a result of the Path-Result complementarity built into that system. This requires the suffixes to reside low in the structure, and as such they constitute a new type of low applicative afforded by Ramchand (2008)'s system, one with semantics more akin to Pylkkänen (2008)'s high applicatives. Some preliminary remarks on the semantics underlying the observed Path-Result complementarity follow. Throughout the talk, I will also discuss the difficulties of diagnosing telicity in the Karuk language and field situation, and present a novel test to do so, based on insights into the default temporal interpretation of bounded and unbounded verbs from Smith (2007) and Mucha (2013).
- April 22, 2016
Vera Gribanova (Stanford)
- May 6, 2016
- May 20, 2016
Rackowski and Richards (2005) propose a novel model of agreement and extraction based on data from Tagalog. They propose that the extraction of wh-phrases from embedded clauses requires agreement of the wh-phrase with the embedding clause's v head. Their proposal assumes that (i) Tagalog voice morphemes are overt instantiations of v and (ii) the morphological shape of the morpheme is determined by v's agreement with a moved DP. I argue that their account relies on a particular view of the link between a DP's case and specificity. I show that this point of view is not adequately supported by the Tagalog data, leaving their conclusions about the status of v and the mechanism of agreement in doubt.
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The workshop coordinator is currently Boris Harizanov.