This talk looks at object agreement and a *local > local person restriction in Kipsigis ditransitives (Nilo-Saharan). In Kipsigis, local person (i.e. 1st/2nd person) objects surface as verbal suffixes whether they are IOs or DOs (promiscuous agreement; Béjar 2003). Furthermore, although 3 > local and local > 3 object configurations are grammatical, local > local combinations are not. Such agreement systems and ditransitive person restrictions are often accounted for in the syntax. However, I argue that the Kipsigis pattern must be analyzed morphologically, since it can be “repaired” via A’-extraction followed by morphological anti-agreement. I analyze Kipsigis promiscuous agreement in Deal’s (2015) interaction-satisfaction model of Agree, positing a cyclically expanding (Rezac 2003) insatiable probe on Appl. The *local > local restriction is due to an inviolable morphological rule, which requires local person features on Appl to be exponed.