In Somali, subject clitic pronouns can optionally double an R-expression that is in its base-generated position, but are obligatory if the subject is a topic or a pronoun, and prohibited if the subject is in focus. Additionally, under various types of A'-extraction of a subject (e.g. focus, wh-movement, relative clause construction) the verb displays a partial agreement paradigm, and the subject appears in non-nominative case. In this talk, I argue that previous treatments of Somali syntax cannot account for this pattern, and I discuss the issues that arise when applying other theories of anti-agreement to the Somali facts. Additionally, I sketch a potential analysis that highlights the relationship between clitic doubling and resumption in the language.